If observed within their designated contexts, each case has very clear and much broader socio-economic and urban consequences that are both readily applicable and replicable in other contexts as well. The construction and strategic situation of a “labor station” for instance, in many ways legitimizes an activity and a demographic that is typically considered “informal” by virtue of the fact that it is not centralized and unregulated. A “formal” architecture for the housing of this activity is both a symbolic and pragmatic gesture towards the integration of a marginalized user and activity into the mainstream of socio-urban consideration. Similarly, the design and location of water purification centers within the context of a developing city can have enormously inductive economic consequences within a community, as well as inestimable health and environmental effects. The concept of designing and locating garbage or refuse trading posts in and around the peri-urban settlements of developing cities is also a particularly suggestive way of provoking sector integration, both by “formalizing” an informal and prolific activity by applying the architectural criteria of site, structure and program to it, but also through the program’s potential to inspire more development in and around the outpost sites. Architecturally representing these types of activities creates a franchiseable typology of revitalization that takes as its inspiration the immediate and unique circumstances at hand, and responds with appropriate solutions that employ the most fundamental and unprescriptive architectural criteria to effect a more substantive and enduring form of change.
The community garden programs sponsored by the Southside Land Trust in South Providence may offer an ideal context in which to apply and test the social, architectural and urban contentions purported by these protagonistic Third World cases. The development, refinement and invention of architectural and urban program, coupled with the use and reinvention of disenfranchised space and materials promises to be an effective and relevant local context in which to test the hypothetical depositions described above. The potential for community revitalization latent within community garden programs in general is a promising and impelling rationale for working with SLT, but the opportunity to push and reinvent the perceptions and uses of the gardens as something more than merely cultivated city lots is a fantastically potent and substantive challenge, and one that stands to be an accessible and verifiable method of realizing the broader aforementioned ideas. Reinventing the urban community garden to be not only a source of food or supplemental income, but also an integrative civic space and learning center that may be engaged throughout the year to inspire and renew communal values has distilled and refocused the methods and goals of this study in ways both subtle and profound.
The re-integration of marginalized people and materials into the mainstream of socio-economic consideration in the Global South is a complicated and often abstract ambition, rendered increasingly more unintelligible by its lack of socio-urban verifiability. However more and more, the activities, materials and practices of the informal sector are given promissing dimension by the effectiveness of the homemade devices and built environments that characterize them. This curious development standard is illustrated in the chart above, which is meant to describe the process by which material, products and technologies move from formal obsolencence to informal reinvention, and the corresponding socio-economic and socio-urban forces and affects that inform this displacement-integration paradigm.
In this case for instance, a "day labor" station, sited strategically in or around the sector boundaries of a designated city "formalizes" to a certain degree an informal demographic of user simply by virtue of the program having been considered and realized in the form of an occupiable structure.
Similarly, appropriating "informal" activities as legitimate pieces of architectural program could have as inductive an affect on re-enfranchising urban and peri-urban areas as the day labor station is assumed to have. For instance, providing outposts and structures for the cumbersome, homemade water purification systems that are so prevalent in African and Asian villages may in fact be a program with great emergence potential for certain areas if appropriate locations are designated to help bridge sector boundaries, and appropriate materials are employed and reused to keep both labor and products relavent.
Still another potential architectural program inspired by informal sector economic activity might be refuse or barter kiosks-- or places where people might be able to go to sell and trade the refuse items they mine or find from formal sector communities and infills. In this way, the informal, unregulated act of selling disposed electronics and used car parts on the sidewalks is given a socio-spatial dimension that may be the first step towards legitimate community and material re-enfranchisement. 
As new theories and proposals for planning and urban design evolve, we are increasingly aware of "
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